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Arguments from media history and the social sciences seem here to coincide almost too perfectly. To sketch out the problematic: on the one hand, the positing of an increasing compulsion to self-represent and -stage often entails an under-defined concept of superficial masquerade, simulation or deceit, raising the question of the authentic subjectivity that provides the foil for comparison.5 On the other hand, the discussion about the increasing mediation of everyday and professional life involves a presumption of a new and fundamental saturation of these realms by the media. This assumption in turn implies that work and private life were previously media-free spaces that are now subject to mediation. Early works of cultural studies, however, problematized this assumption. Studies in the realm of television research, for example, referred to the mutual effects of everyday life and television programming through the structuring of times of day, weekdays and weekends.6 Thus, one needs to take a closer look at the relationship between practices of the self and media apparatuses. In so doing, it becomes clear that processes of subjectification in new media necessarily repeat and vary older and other forms of mediated processes of subjectification. The points of comparison are thus not unmediated subjects, but relations of the self that are mediated in a different way. To account for the current variety of media self-models, Jrg Dnne and Christian Moser have developed the concept of auto-mediacy. They propose a concept of self-referentiality that both historicizes and accounts for media differences. The increasing technologization of the media has not caused an impoverishment in subjective interiority; on the contrary, 1 1 Form

Modes of Comparing In all the examples mentioned above, sports seems to underline the database logic of YouTube.19 Particular items are addressed because there is an external reason to view the clip and because it is possible to access items directly by name, date or category of event. This becomes especially obvious when the database is used not for a repetition and reviewing of or compensation for an important event whose live As a consequence, the referential and intermedial dynamics of media sports highlight YouTubes function as a database. At the same time, the site modifies access to sports, especially, as Cornel Sandvoss argues, its spatial determinations. The coverage of sporting events on the Internet contributes to the dual tendencies of cultural homogenization and fragmentation in that it has aided the formation of transnational sports fandom while simultaneously eroding the coherence of national sporting cultures that formed in the post-war era of nation state-centered broadcasting. 20 Still, YouTube places sports performances in a different context than other media, and its specific mechanisms of comparison 244 24 Form

The opposition between places and non-places derives from Michel de Certeaus distinction between place and space.8 However, Aug uses non-place in a slightly different way than de Certeau, and his vision of the opportunities individuals have in non-places is more pessimistic. For de Certeau space is a practiced place, and through the tactics of everyday use, the oppositional practices of everyday life, individuals can give different meaning to and change spaces. Aug could be interpreted as stating that non-places generate a new relationship to the world, but this relationship is not always negative, and although the term non-place does have negative connotations, it could also be seen as a new opportunity. Not only for the users, those who pass through the non-places, but also for researchers trying to make sense of new situations or phenomena. Tim Cresswell notes that Augs arguments force theorists of culture to reconsider the theory and method of their disciplines. While conventionally figured places demand thoughts which reflect assumed boundaries and traditions, non-places demand new mobile ways of thinking. 9 Anthropological place is rooted in history, relationships and identity, and the church may be used as an example of an anthropological place. According to Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney the church embodies the social identity of the people in the same village in their daily social network. It is also a spatial representation of the past, the history of these people and the village. 10 Other similar anthropological places are libraries and archives, places that also embody social identity and history. Non-places, however, are uprooted places marked by mobility and travel; they lack identity, relationships and history. The translation from French to English of the term non-lieu has had consequences for interpretation of the possibilities or dangers of dwelling in non-places, and Ohnuki-Tierney has explained that the term non-lieu in a technical juridical sense means no ground for prosecution, that is, the accused is innocent. Those innocent, needless to say, are deprived of their usual identity as social personae and as individuals. 11 One of the characteristic traits of YouTube is excess. YouTube offers an overabundance of video clips, organized in chaotic ways making precise navigation hard. YouTube is not an anthropological place, defined by identity, relations and history, being closer to a transient non-place, a crossroad where people meet, yet where references are individualized through tags and rating, and where users interpret the information by themselves and for themselves. YouTube is not an asocial place. It is more like a hypersocial place, but the hypersociality of the site is mostly channeled through specific fields or practices, i.e. share a video clip, comment on it, give responses to the uploader, etcetera. As a social process unless used in a specific way by a local community YouTube is characterized by the consumption of information. Commercial clips or references are mixed with all sorts of amateur material, and to a certain degree this changes the status of the non-commercial material. This happens in at least two ways. Firstly, it is done by the commercial context itself. Ending up at a commercial site or viewing a commercial clip characterizes many visits to YouTube, and the lack of context makes it hard to determine what kind of clip or site it is. Few or no distinctions are made between commercial and non-commercial clips, 30 31 Storage

At the time when YouTube was purchased by Google, the site was delivering more than 100 million video views every day with 65,000 new videos uploaded daily. The same press release from Google also announced that the acquisition combined one of the largest and fastest growing online video entertainment communities with Googles expertise in organizing information and creating new models for advertising on the Internet. 7 Thus, from the beginning, Googles intentions seemed clear: to develop YouTubes potential for attracting advertising revenues. Since YouTube is a subsidiary of Google Inc., it remains important to examine the parent corporation more carefully. Founded in 1998 by Stanford PhD students Larry Page and Sergey Brin, Google began as a Web crawler or search engine that traverses the Web in search of requested information.8 The company grew rapidly and is now headquartered in Silicon Valley with 60 offices in over 20 countries. Googles organization currently includes various divisions such as Google.com Search and Personalization; Communication, Collaboration and Communities; Downloadable Applications; Google GEO Maps, Earth and Local; Google Checkout (online shopping); and Google Mobile. The main google.com site has been expanded to include special features, such as Image Search, Book Search, and Google Scholar provides a simple way to do a broad search for relevant scholarly literature, including peer-reviewed papers, theses, books, abstracts and articles. Content in Google Scholar is taken from academic publishers, professional societies, preprint repositories, universities and other scholarly organizations. As is well known, the company has also developed a variety of other tools for users to create, share and communicate. Googles goal is to organize the worlds information and make it universally accessible and useful. To do this, the company relies on advertising to generate revenues. Their advertising strategies include content-targeted ads on google.com, as well as programs such as AdWords and AdSense, which help content owners to monetize their content by adding advertising to content, as well as other advertising strategies. Google is a public corporation meaning their stock is available to the public however, they have never paid dividends on common stock. In their latest report to the Securities and Exchange Commission, they stated: We currently intend to retain any future earnings and do not expect to pay any dividends in the foreseeable future. 9 Control lies firmly in the hand of the founders, executive offi cers and directors, who hold so-called Class A common stock. Class B common stock and other equity interests represent approximately 70 percent of the voting power of the outstanding capital stock. At the end of 2007 the companys two founders and the CEO owned almost , 90 percent of outstanding Class B common stock, representing more than two thirds of the voting power. Larry, Sergey and Eric [] have significant influence over management and affairs and over all matters requiring stockholder approval, including the election of directors and significant corporate transactions, such as a merger or other sale of our company or its assets, for the foreseeable future, the most recent 10-K report states. This concentrated control limits our stockholders ability to influence corporate matters and, as a result, we may take actions that our stockholders do not view as beneficial. 10 Googles 34 3 Industry

Intergenerational Communication An interesting phenomenon among the YouTube new auteurs is the user Geriatric1927 and his video posts. After a short personal introduction entitled Geriatric Grumbles, users come face to face with an elderly British gentleman using a simple webcam to declare his enthusiasm for the YouTube community, a quite odd appearance on a site dominated by a youthful audience. Geriatric1927 declares his intention to share his life experience with his younger audience. Responding to the fact that more than 4,000 YouTubers have sent him positive feedbackas of November 2008, the video has been registered with 2,789,508 views on YouTube Geriatric1927 started a series entitled Telling It All that by August 2008 had reached some 60 episodes.9 In this autobiographic monologue, the audience is informed about growing up in pre-World War II class-dominated England and about the person behind the pseudonym, whose name, one later learns, is Peter Oakley. At the age of 79 he posted his rst video on YouTube. Apparently a widower, he was educated in the eld of mechanical engineering and worked in the British health sector prior to being self-employed and later retiring. Oakley leads off every new episode with a short vignette of text and music mainly classic blues before addressing his audience with: Hello YouTubers! From this point the webcam remains focused on him as he continues his monologue, with an ample number of digressions, about growing up in another age. The response from his audience, which seems to have stabilized at around 20 to 30,000, comes in the form of text and videoblogs addressed to him, parodies most of them good-natured, with a few exceptions and responses sent to his new website www.askgeriatric.com. The average viewer seems to be of very young age, a fact perhaps mirroring Generation Ys need for a kind of grandfather gure. With a grandparent generation living in Florida or Arizona (or Spain in the case of North European youths), it is 144 145 Usage

Apsalon and Mr. Safety both receive many laudatory comments for their tutorials and are addressed as authorities by a community of users who want to improve their skills in videomaking. Such hierarchies and the discourses maintaining them are characteristic for traditional amateur cultures, and YouTube is all but free from traditional cultural hierarchies obvious, for example, in the following comment by user EA060: Some of these things seem hilarious to me, being a professional cameraman and video editor. But those advices are good for the amateurs. An interesting way to make people understand some things. About white balance on VX cameras dont use the auto function because its not JVC to work properly. You better make the white balance manually, or use the presets (int/ext) because you will have to work more on an editing software. The same thing for DSR 150 and DSR 170 from Sony. Good luck!21 134 135 Usage

According to Jim, the creative work on this webisode relied on similar routines and standards as in network television, while at the same time opening up possibilities for breaking with conventions. The show furnished new opportunities for stand-up comedy, but it also served as a video pitch for advertisers, promoting Jims abilities to sell a potential audience of 17 to 34 year old men41 to Madison Avenue. Wicked Pissers is brand casting in comedy format. It attempts to prove its own potential for plot placements, for weaving products directly into the narrative. For example, in all of the four episodes distributed over YouTube, Bob and his friend Jake are traveling the back roads of Maine in a white van full of cardboard boxes supposedly containing candy, cookies and chips for the vending machines. In the rst episode, The Birthday Present, framing and editing repeatedly draw attention to the van and its boxes, implying the possibility of replacing the Vieking Vending lettering with any given brands name and logo. According to Jim, this was an attempt to accommodate potential corporate sponsors who would 116 117 Usage